April 1, 2000

Zarko Trebjesanin, psychologist

There's a lot of irrational around here

Zarko Trebjesanin

The majority of people is discontented, but they simply don't know how to overcome this feeling, which is precisely why they become angry and aggressive. The feeling of despair, numbness and depression is also present. Since we have been living here long enough we have stopped paying attention to the faces around. The foreigners' impression of Belgrade people is that hardly anyone is smiling anymore.

A long lasting apathy has been turned into anomie - the sate of total suspension of all values, almost nihilistic feeling towards everything. Naturally, fear is sometimes quite intensive. Anxiety has been a chronic feeling since 1990, which is understandable especially when one has to find ways to feed little children. Not one school year in the past decade had passed regularly. Parents are anxious when sending their sons to the army. Now it is quite unpredictable as to what will happen with Montenegro.

Chronic fears of repression, or threats related to the loss of job, and the problems of survival are constantly boiling. Moreover, the unsolved cases of murder only strengthen the feeling of anxiety and fear.

FS: How badly are people actually scared?

The feeling of apathy is constant. Strong emotions are related to the issues of current interest and therefore could not last too long. Such intense fear had overwhelmed people shortly before and after the bombing. However, researches have shown that people had been more anxious about things that were to come after the bombing.

FS: What are the consequences of the bombing?

One fourth of population is likely to be subjected to more permanent consequences in the aftermath. However, the bombing is only the last straw in the framework of other horrific crisis and social disturbances. Stress and trauma are being accumulated until tolerance is finally weakened. People in the balanced state of mind would not react dramatically when air-raid sirens go off. Still, if nervous system is tight for a long time, it might result in completely different responses, even in the form of neurotic disturbances.

FS: Is the regime trying to frighten the people deliberately, by breaking the sound barrier, for instance?

I am not altogether certain as to how much benefit could the regime make from such actions. It's like playing with fire. The regime could not predict the reaction. After custom had been imposed on Bosnian Serbs as enemies, I am not sure the people would react the same when it comes to Montenegro.

FS: What is your understanding of the slogan: "Silence is not the Serbian way"?

I think the slogan was supposed to induce people to start thinking of the reasons why they are remaining silent. The fact that people see problems only partially is a great problem itself. Take the University for example - it was the matter of only students and professors, as if it shouldn't have concerned the others as well. The slogan has touched the national pride, as a direct antipode to the proverb "silence is golden".

FS: Could the Orthodox religion provide an answer to the question why do people here grin and bare more than elsewhere?

Orthodox religion is one thing, while the Church is another. The Orthodox Church has had less influence here than the Catholic Church had in Poland and Hungary. After the fall of Communism there the powerful Church had easily mobilized people, whereas here it didn't have such a strong influence. Besides, the way the Communists came to power in this country is much more complex.

FS: Could our people be said to be irrational?

One philosopher has once said that when a country is being built and prosperous - it needs engineers. But when it sinks down into social crisis, it is in need of psychologists. There's a lot of irrational around here. It is noticeable not only in individual cases, but in the whole society. People queue. They're freezing and are happy when they get everyday necessities after standing in the line for two hours. They are being pushed in the city buses. These are chain consequences. Those who vehemently support the regime are by rule the poorest citizens hardly receiving any salary. Pensioners are the most militant group: they could hardy walk, let alone carrying a rifle, but they constantly keep agitating for war. And then young people are drafted and killed. The poorer they are, the more homogenized they would be behind the regime.

Still, it is not only rationality. Most of it stands in accordance with ideas and motives. One would remain stubborn and would not give up despite the fact that his/her thesis is obviously wrong. A person is led by irrational instinct. He/she would vote for Milosevic only out of spite. It is irresponsible voting. People simply don't understand the seriousness and responsibility of elections. If the citizens were polled about the difference between the juridical and executive power, one would encounter enormous ignorance. Political culture is here very low. Before making a decision, the voter should be familiar with political parties' programs. The choice between patriots and traitors is a fake choice. If one doesn't vote, he/she would be labeled as enemy - the fear remaining in our society long after the Communist era in which its roots should be traced.

FS: Are the opposition demonstrations the right move at the moment?

That should be thought through. It is now highly probable that the regime would use demonstrations as a pretext for cruel use of force and imposing of the state of emergency. Chaos and state of emergency are the regime's natural environment. On the other hand, a decision to refrain from organizing demonstrations could be regarded as weakness of the opposition. That too could be abused by the regime. Opposition parties have always had the problem of communication with one another, so the real question is: are they capable of organizing a safe public meeting with clearly worded goals. Moreover, the opposition must have a plan for the time after the meeting. It is no longer enough to be brave and say "Let's go to Dedinje". Resistance must be manifested through masses, and a group of serious, grown-up, politically responsible people must be assembled. In short, the real benefit of this meeting should be measured. The regime is crumbling in agony, and opposition should stay away from confrontations.

FS: Do we have enough strength for mass protests?

Protests have partially exhausted people. One should know that enough is enough. The newspapers had been dedicating one half of a page to the street protests at first, and later this was reduced to one fifth of a column - a clear indicator that the event is no longer amusing. Still, the protests organized by the "Alliance for Changes" in Belgrade and Nis were at the same time unsuccessful and massive.

FS: As a psychologist, what form of protests would you suggest?

Several reasons speak against everyday, massive demonstrations. Public meetings are reduced to mass of people applauding and whistling. Different forms of protests should be tried as well, especially in smaller towns: public talks held at squares or in parks. I have tried those personally. I'm not on the stage, I'm just expressing my attitudes. Then I ask them: "What are you complaining about?", and they start talking about their thoughts. In Smederevo those talks were quite successful, and the citizens asked to continue with them, so we did continue for another two hours.

New ways of work should be sought, so that people are induced to take part in democratic changes. Political parties, NGOs and trade unions should be gathered around this goal. However, public meetings are sometimes a political necessity.

FS: Why is Belgrade silent?

Belgrade has once witnessed huge social disturbances which absorbed great energy. It wasn't only the three months long protest which took place three years ago. It was also the year of 1991 and 1992, and students' protests. Several hundred thousand people were walking down the streets, and the punch line is that almost nothing has changed. So one should not expect the people to protest in the same way. They must express their disagreement with this politics in front of the ballot box. Atmosphere is much more positive in the provinces due to local electronic media, and it is precisely the factor of local TV stations that had surprised us during the elections. People living in the provinces have managed to actually do something, because the Coalition "Zajedno" is still existing there, whereas in Belgrade it crumbled to pieces.

FS: Why has the regime resorted to shutting down the media?

Studio B had been harmless for quite a while, before it was punished in both legal and illegal way, its public being split in half. Television is a very powerful and influential medium. Newspapers, on the other hand, are not so popular, although their influence could not be measured by their circulation. Five or six people read them in a family, then a guest or a neighbor leafs through. And their influence is not to be ended there - what has been read is usually being told to others. "I read it in the papers" is a typical sentence proving the influence of newspapers.

FS: How do you see the exit from the current crisis?

Political parties, trade unions and NGOs should get networked in order to offer the people a vision of how to get out of the crisis. They should interpret the events around us and give realistic and safest solutions. The role of the media is significant, because the whole work and influence would be left aside and would not be heard without the media. Another problem is that many people refuse to think. "I don't want to get upset", they say and keep watching TV shows running away from the real problems.

Milica Bjelovuk

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