December 19, 1999

You cannot live on the past

Vuk Obradovic, president of the Social Democracy Party

Vuk Obradovic was born on April 11, 1947, in the village Kondzelj near Prokuplje. He is married. Graduated from the Military Academy, passed his Ph.D. exam by defending his dissertation entitled "Nationalism in Modern Yugoslav Society and Nationalism in Armed Forces in Particular" . In 1990 he became the first spokesman ever of the Federal Defence Ministry. He was also the head of the cabinet of general Veljko Kadijevic, former Defence Minister of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In early 1992 he was appointed the head of the Department for Moral Education within the Yugoslav army. Soon afterwards he resigned from his post of his own accord as he did not keep his promise given to the parents of soldiers who were blocked in Sarajevo army barracks that their children would be brought back from Sarajevo until May 20, 1992. For some time he worked as a building contractor. President and one of the founders of Social Democracy. He won 115.850 votes (3,04%) in the Serbian presidential election in 1997. In the course of his campaign he enjoyed the strong support of Bogoljub Karic, one of Milosevic's closest associates. Vuk Obradovic claims that he is an atheist, but that he also celebrates his slava of St. Vasily (Serbian family feast for its patron saint) and respects most deeply the Serbian Orthodox Church as an important institution.

FS: You were at the German SPD congress last week in Berlin. What are the results of this visit?

The public is well aware that Social Democracy is one of the youngest political parties in Serbia. It is only two and a half years old. Serbia has always had a significant social democrat tradition, which, unfortunately, was disrupted for almost several decades. We tend to rely heavily on our authentic social democrat tradition, yet the ambition of Social Democracy is to take modern European social democrat parties as a model. One of the most powerful social democrat political parties on the continent is Social Democrat Party of Germany (SPD). Their experiences are precious for us, their achievements are inspiring and our being there at the SPD congress was very important for our party. Among other things, I think that this visit will help us open up to the world. Also this could be very important for our integration into this large European family of socialist and social democrat political parties. I met with SPD Vice President Mr. Rudolf Scharping, German Foreign Secretary of State Mr. Zeppel and many others.

FS: Rudolf Scharping had quite a prominent role during the war and received extensive media attention. Are there any problems of political nature regarding your collaboration with him?

Mr. Scharping is the Vice President of SPD, President of the Parties of European Left and Defence Minister in the German government. He is one of the most prominent politicians on the German political scene. If we are to follow this kind of logic according to which we should not establish contacts with anyone, then we would still remain restricted to a ghetto, a sort of isolation from the international community created by Milosevic over the last decade. One cannot live on the past. The past is indeed important for any nation, state or an individual for that matter. Whole centuries of collective memory are inscribed in our minds, but you cannot live on the past. The pivotal point of my philosophy of life, and consequently my political philosophy as well, is to look to the future. One of my basic principles says that every new day brings hopes and opportunities for people to do something good for themselves, their families, the loved ones, even state and nation if you will. We, the Serbs, are inclined to live on myths, to feed on our past exclusively and it costs us dearly. Some things have to be held back and put aside. Serbia has to build its own perspectives within the family of European nations and states. This is not a nice thing to say for a social democrat, but back there where I am from - in Toplica region there is a saying which goes like this: "No one got rich by keeping company with the poor". Capital, modern technologies, democratic and civilisational achievements are now in the West, western European countries and the United States. These states should be role models for us.

FS: Current situation regarding Montenegro reminds of the situation in early '90s with Slovenia and Croatia. Is the current crisis leading towards the confrontation with Montenegro?

Perhaps it does resemble to some extent the situation in early '90s, but in my view, these are two completely incomparable situations. Relations between Slovenia and former Yugoslavia cannot be possibly compared with the relationship between Montenegro and Yugoslavia, i.e., Serbia. Bonds between the Serbian and Montenegrin people have been forged for centuries and they are extremely complex in historical, cultural, ethical, economic and any other terms. Those common bonds are larger and stronger than any present-day leader either in Serbia or Montenegro. Unfortunately, Montenegrin-Serbian relations have never been at a lower level. Serbian and Yugoslav authorities are mainly to blame for this state of affairs. Slobodan Milosevic and the Serbian government have not even recognised the will of the Montenegrin electorate, but keep placing obstacles in the path of the youthful, democratic and pro-European Montenegrin leadership. The Montenegrins are simply forced to make certain moves in order to protect themselves and, unfortunately, this may also result in the separation of Montenegro from the Yugoslav federal framework, though I am convinced that no one from the Montenegrin government would like to see such a scenario unfolding. They have offered a platform for further talks on redefining relations within the Yugoslav federation. Why does not the Serbian regime accept these talks? Why don't they let the Montenegrin leadership send their representatives to the federal parliament? Why aren't they allowed to appoint their candidate to the post of Prime Minister in the federal government?

FS: Vojislav Seselj threatens that civil war would break out if Montenegro resorts to secession?

I do not wish to speak about that man at all. I would not even mention his name. He holds a responsible public office, and yet he constantly acts irresponsibly. He is an accomplice in everything which has caused all our misfortunes and tragedies. No one could possibly believe a single word he says. He is a ruffian on the Serbian political scene and nothing more.

FS: During the war you gave an interview for the BBC. The people from the BBC did not want to broadcast that interview for fear of having their correspondent expelled from the country. What did actually happen?

I spent 76 out of 78 days of this unfortunate and tragic war for which the international community is also to blame in Belgrade. I spent those two days in Montenegro to attend a meeting, which was being held there at the time, and some 50 days in this office with the members of Social Democracy trying to help them overcome this golgotha we were experiencing at the time. I gave over 500 interviews and statements in the course of that period, above all, to foreign media. I always strongly criticised NATO actions, but I also stressed the fact that the main culprit for everything that happened was Slobodan Milosevic and the regime which he personified. That interview given to BBC was nothing special. The BBC editor was not allowed to air this interview as I allegedly disclosed some military secrets. This interview was used by a woman - an editor at the Radio Television Serbia and the member of the Yugoslav Left directorate to label me as a traitor, mercenary of foreign secret services, member of the fifth column. Obviously she forgot that I am not so naive. I had also been formerly engaged in propaganda and public information activities. We published that interview and the people could see with their own eyes that I did not say anything special, nothing more than I had already said in other interviews. And, of course, there was nothing which would even hint at disclosing military secrets, nothing of the sort.

FS: In 1991 you argued for a combined intervention of airborne and land forces of the Yugoslav People's Army at the Maribor airport in Slovenia...

No, no... At the time I was the head of the defence minister's cabinet. For five years I had been urging and begging others not to allow for that unfortunate war to take place. I had published over a thousand pages of texts about nationalist hysteria and chauvinism. My point was that if that war were to break out, Yugoslavia would fall apart and tragedy of enormous proportions would befall all our peoples. When the war in Slovenia actually broke out, as an army officer I endeavoured to provide maximum protection for our soldiers and officers. This was my professional duty and obligation. At the same time, I argued that the army, if it was forced by the federal authorities to intervene, should do it in a professional and responsible manner. Slovenia was perhaps our last chance, not to save Yugoslavia - it could not have been preserved, but to allow for a less bloody disintegration of the country to take place. As a professional army officer, I argued that Slovenia should not be forcibly kept within the Yugoslav federation since it was obvious that this was not what they wanted. On the other hand, if the military had already been engaged, then it should have been engaged properly - professionally, and not in the way which not only contributed to steep decline of its reputation and authority but also initiated the process of its accelerated disintegration.

FS: Had the erosion of the Yugoslav People's Army reputation been initiated back in 1989 when it had intervened in Pristina on March 24?

Undoubtedly there had been serious mistakes even before the conflict in Slovenia. Let me remind you of March 9, 1991. In my view the army should not interfere in political conflicts. The army must be developed as a state institution par excellence. It has to be far removed from all political parties.

FS: You are carrying a heavy burden of the past on your shoulders. You were the youngest general in the Yugoslav People's Army which implied a sort of appropriate political attitude. You are referred to as...

What appropriate political attitude? More than 99% of the army officers at the time had to be members of the Yugoslav Communist League. I still feel sorry for the Yugoslav Communist League. It was a good, successful party. For a number of reasons it was destined to experience disastrous debacle. I am not ashamed of anything from my past. I worked as a political activist in the Central Committee Presidency of the Yugoslav Communist League from 1980 till 1983. Those three years at the top of the political hierarchy was actually the most important for my development in political and any other terms.

FS: What is, in your view, the main reason for the failure of demonstrations launched by the Alliance for Change?

There are many reasons. There is also a negative echo reverberating from the events of 1996/97. I think that the rally organised on August 19 produced harmful after-effects on the subsequent opposition protests. We warned at the time that this rally should not be so rashly and hastily organised. We warned that manifestation of the Serbian opposition disunity, and it was almost inevitable, would entail tragic consequences affecting everything which was to follow this rally. And this was exactly what happened. Everyone wanted to have his own way. The people could see that and their energy was thus wasted away so that now we are facing the challenge of raising their spirits. How to awake the people from apathy? How to transform their wish to effect changes into new energy?

FS: Is the opposition entering a period of hibernation?

Certainly not. I think we are witnessing a new regrouping of the Serbian political forces. We are close to reaching an agreement on joint strategic approach against the regime of Slobodan Milosevic and I think that the opposition block will manage to bring about early elections at all levels in Serbia and Yugoslavia.

Boris Milicevic

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